DTN News - AFGHAN WAR NEWS: Prince Harry Coming Home From Afghanistan ~ Recalls Killing Taliban

Asia News Report: DTN News - AFGHAN WAR NEWS: Prince Harry Coming Home From Afghanistan ~ Recalls Killing Taliban

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources Jill Lawless - London — The Associated Press
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - January 21, 2013: Capt. Wales is coming home to be Prince Harry once again.

The British Ministry of Defence revealed Monday that the 28-year-old prince is returning from a 20-week deployment in Afghanistan, where he served as an Apache helicopter pilot with the Army Air Corps. It did not immediately divulge his exact whereabouts.

In interviews conducted in Afghanistan, the third in line to the British throne described feeling boredom, frustration and satisfaction during a tour that saw him kill Taliban fighters on missions in support of ground troops. He also spoke of his struggle to balance his job as an army officer with his royal role – and his relief at the chance to be “one of the guys.”

“My father’s always trying to remind me about who I am and stuff like that,” said Harry, the younger son of Prince Charles and the late Princess Diana. “But it’s very easy to forget about who I am when I am in the army. Everyone’s wearing the same uniform and doing the same kind of thing.”

Stationed at Camp Bastion, a sprawling British base in the southern Afghan desert, the prince – known as Capt. Wales in the military – flew scores of missions as a co-pilot gunner, sometimes firing rockets and missiles at Taliban fighters.

“Take a life to save a life. That’s what we revolve around, I suppose,” he said. “If there’s people trying to do bad stuff to our guys, then we’ll take them out of the game.”

Harry’s second tour in Afghanistan went more smoothly than the first, in 2007-2008, which was cut short after 10 weeks when a magazine and websites disclosed details of his whereabouts. British media had agreed to a news blackout on security grounds.

This time, the media were allowed limited access to the prince in return for not reporting operational details.

A member of the air corps’ 662 Squadron, the prince was part of a two-man crew whose duties ranged from supporting ground troops in firefights with the Taliban to accompanying British Chinook and U.S. Black Hawk helicopters as they evacuated wounded soldiers.

He said that while sometimes it was necessary to fire on insurgents, the formidable helicopter – equipped with wing-mounted rockets, Hellfire laser-guided missiles and a 30mm machine gun – was usually an effective deterrent.

“If guys get injured, we come straight into the overhead, box off any possibility of an insurgent attack because they look at us and just go, ‘Right, that’s an unfair fight, we’re not going to go near them,’” Harry said.

Harry shared a room with another pilot in a basic accommodation block made from shipping containers, and passed the time between callouts playing video games and watching movies with his fellow officers. His security detail accompanied him on base, but not when flying.

“It’s as normal as it’s going to get,” Harry said of the arrangement. “I’m one of the guys. I don’t get treated any differently.”

But he said he still received unwanted attention at Camp Bastion, which is home to thousands of troops.

“For me, it’s not that normal, because I go into the cookhouse and everyone has a good old gawp, and that’s one thing that I dislike about being here,” he said. “Because there’s plenty of guys in there that have never met me, therefore look at me as Prince Harry and not as Capt. Wales, which is frustrating.”

Ever since Harry graduated from the Sandhurst military academy in 2006, his desire for a military career has collided with his royal role. After his curtailed first Afghan deployment, he retrained as a helicopter pilot in order to have the chance of being sent back.

The speed and height at which Apaches fly make them hard for insurgents to shoot down, but Harry’s squadron commander, Maj. Ali Mack, said the prince had still faced real danger.

“There is nothing routine about deploying to an operational theatre – where there is absolutely an insurgency – and flying an attack helicopter in support of both ISAF and Afghan security forces,” Mack said.

The danger was underscored soon after Harry arrived at Camp Bastion in September, when insurgents attacked the adjacent U.S. base, Camp Leatherneck, killing two U.S. Marines and wounding several other troops.

Harry said he would have preferred to have been deployed on the ground with his old regiment, the Household Cavalry, rather than spending his tour of duty at Camp Bastion, a fortified mini-city replete with shops, gyms and a Pizza Hut restaurant.

Harry said it was “a pain the arse, being stuck in Bastion.”

“I’d much rather be out with the lads in a PB (patrol base),” he said. “The last job was, for me personally, better.”

Despite the frustrations of base life, Harry said he relished the flying: “As soon as we’re outside the fence, we’re in the thick of it.”

“Yes, OK, we’re supposedly safe, but anything can go wrong with this thing, but at the end of the day we’re out there to provide cover and protection for the guys on the ground,” he said.

Many of Harry’s family have also seen combat – most recently his uncle, Prince Andrew, who flew Royal Navy helicopters during the 1982 Falklands War. His grandfather, Prince Philip, served on Royal Navy battleships during World War II.

His older brother William, who is second in line to the throne, is a Royal Air Force search-and-rescue pilot. He, too, has expressed a desire to serve on the front line, but officials consider it too dangerous.

Harry said he thought William should be allowed to serve in combat.

“Yes, you get shot at. But if the guys who are doing the same job as us are being shot at on the ground, I don’t think there’s anything wrong with us being shot at as well.

“People back home will have issues with that, but we’re not special. The guys out there are. Simple as that.”

He said that while William was envious of his Afghan experience, his elder brother’s job had its advantages.

“He gets to go home to his wife and his dog, whereas out here we don’t,” Harry said. “We’re stuck playing PlayStation in a tent full of men.”

After the respite from scrutiny, the prince is returning to a Harry-hungry media eager for images of the eligible bachelor, and stories of his off-duty escapades.

Just before he went to Afghanistan, Harry hit the headlines during a game of strip billiards at a Las Vegas hotel. He apologized for the incident. “It was probably a classic example of me probably being too much army, and not enough prince,” he said.

But the prince did not attempt to hide his frustration with the intense coverage he faces. “I probably let myself down, I let my family down, I let other people down,” Harry said. “But at the end of the day I was in a private area and there should be a certain amount of privacy that one should expect.”

Later in the year, he hopes to join a group of injured servicemen on a charity race to the South Pole, and in July he is due to become an uncle when William’s wife Catherine gives birth to her first child.

Harry said that he “can’t wait” to be an uncle, but hoped that Kate would be given privacy during her pregnancy.

And he conceded that he felt more comfortable as Capt. Wales than as Prince Harry.

He said he tried to balance three facets of his life – “one in the army, one socially in my own private time, and then one with the family and stuff like that.”

“So there is a switch and I flick it when necessary,” he said. “Army comes first. It’s my work at the end of the day.”

*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources Jill Lawless - London — The Associated Press
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DTN News - SPECIAL REPORT: The Afghanistan Massacre On The Roof of The World

Asia News Report: DTN News - SPECIAL REPORT: The Afghanistan Massacre On The Roof of The World
*The first British invasion of Afghanistan in 1839 ended three years later in disaster. In an exclusive extract from his new book, William Dalrymple draws parallels with the current campaign

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By William Dalrymple - Telegraph UK
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - January 18, 2013: At the end of Kim, Kipling has his eponymous hero say, “When everyone is dead, the Great Game is finished. Not before.” In the 1980s, it was the Russians’ withdrawal from their failed occupation of Afghanistan that triggered the beginning of the end of the Soviet Union. Less than 20 years later, in 2001, British and American troops arrived in Afghanistan, where they proceeded to begin losing what was, in Britain’s case, its fourth war in that country. As before, in the end, despite all the billions of dollars handed out, the training of an entire army of Afghan troops and the infinitely superior weaponry of the occupiers, the Afghan resistance succeeded again in first surrounding then propelling the hated Kafirs into a humiliating exit.

On my extended visits to Afghanistan to research my new book, in 2009 and 2010, I was keen to see as many of the places and landscapes associated with the First Afghan War as was possible. I particularly wanted to retrace the route of the British forces’ retreat of January 1842 and get to Gandamak, the site of the British last stand.

The route of the retreat backs on to the mountain range that leads to Tora Bora and the Pakistan border, the Ghilzai heartlands that have always been – along with Quetta – the Taliban’s main recruiting ground. I had been advised not to attempt to visit the area without local protection, so eventually set off in the company of a regional tribal leader who was also a minister in Karzai’s government: a mountain of a man named Anwar Khan Jagdalak, a former village wrestling champion and later captain of the Afghan Olympic wrestling team, who had made his name as a Jamiat-e-Islami Mujahideen commander in the jihad against the Soviets in the 1980s.

It was Jagdalak’s Ghilzai ancestors who inflicted some of the worst casualties on the British army of 1842, something he proudly repeated several times as we drove through the same passes. “They forced us to pick up guns to defend our honour,” he said. “So we killed every last one of those bastards.” None of this, incidentally, has stopped Jagdalak from sending his family away from Kabul to the greater safety of Northolt in north London.

On the day we were to drive to Gandamak, I had been told to report at 7am to Jagdalak. Threading my way through a slalom of checkpoints and razor wire surrounding his ministry, I arrived to find Jagdalak being hustled into a convoy of heavily armoured SUVs by his ever-present phalanx of bodyguards, walkie-talkies crackling and assault rifles primed.

Jagdalak drove himself, while pick-ups full of heavily armed Afghan bodyguards followed behind. As we headed through the capital, evidence of the failure of the current occupation lay all around us. Kabul remains one of the poorest and scrappiest capital cities in the world, despite the US pouring around $80 billion into Afghanistan.

We bumped along potholed roads, past the blast walls of the US Embassy and the Nato barracks that has been built on the very site of the British cantonment of 170 years ago, then headed down the zigzagging road into the line of bleak mountain passes that link Kabul with the Khyber Pass.

It is a suitably dramatic and violent landscape: faultlines of crushed and tortured strata groaned and twisted in the gunpowder-coloured rockwalls rising on either side of us. Above, the jagged mountain tops were veiled in an ominous cloud of mist. As we drove, Jagdalak complained bitterly of the western treatment of his government. “In the 1980s when we were killing Russians for them, the Americans called us freedom fighters,” he muttered as we descended the first pass. “Now they just dismiss us as warlords.”

We left the main road at Sarobi, where the mountains debouch into a high-altitude ochre desert dotted with encampments of Ghilzai nomads, and headed into Taliban territory; a further five pick-up trucks full of Jagdalak’s old Mujahideen fighters, all brandishing rocket-propelled grenades and with faces wrapped in their turbans, appeared from a side road to escort us.

At the village of Jagdalak, on January 12 1842, the last 200 frostbitten British soldiers found themselves surrounded by several thousand Ghilzai tribesmen; only a handful made it beyond the holly-oak hedge erected to block their way and on which many British soldiers impaled themselves. Our own welcome was, thankfully, somewhat warmer. The proud villagers took their old commander, now a government minister, on a trip through hills smelling of wild thyme and wormwood, and up through mountainsides carpeted with hollyhocks and mulberries and shaded by white poplars. Here, at the top of the surrounding peaks, near the watchtower where the stripped, naked and freezing sepoys had attempted to find shelter, lay the remains of Jagdalak’s old Mujahideen bunkers and entrenchments from which he had defied the Soviet army. Once the tour was completed, the villagers feasted us, Timurid style, in an apricot orchard at the bottom of the valley: we sat on carpets under a trellis of vine and pomegranate blossom, as course after course of kebabs and raisin pullao were laid in front of us.

During lunch, as my hosts casually pointed out the site of the holly-oak barrier and other places in the village where the British had been massacred in 1842, we compared our respective family memories of that war. I talked about my great-great-uncle, Colin Mackenzie, who had been taken hostage nearby, and I asked if they saw any parallels with the current situation. “It is exactly the same,” said Jagdalak. “Both times the foreigners have come for their own interests, not for ours. They say, 'We are your friends, we want to help.’ But they are lying.”

“Whoever comes to Afghanistan, even now, they will face the fate of Burnes, Macnaghten and Dr Brydon,” agreed Mohammad Khan, our host in the village and the owner of the orchard where we were sitting. Everyone nodded sagely into their rice: the names of the fallen of 1842, long forgotten in their home country, were still common currency here.
“Since the British went, we’ve had the Russians,” said one old man to my right. “We saw them off, too, but not before they bombed many of the houses in the village.” He pointed at a ridge full of ruined mudbrick houses on the hills behind us.

“We are the roof of the world,” said Khan. “From here, you can control and watch everywhere.”

“Afghanistan is like the crossroads for every nation that comes to power,” agreed Jagdalak. “But we do not have the strength to control our own destiny. Our fate is determined by our neighbours.”

It was nearly 5pm before the final flaps of naan bread were cleared away, by which time it became clear that it was now too late to head on to Gandamak. Instead we went that evening by the main highway direct to the relative safety of Jalalabad, where we discovered we’d had a narrow escape. It turned out that there had been a battle at Gandamak that very morning between government forces and a group of villagers supported by the Taliban. Nine policemen had been killed and 10 taken hostage over a dispute about compensation for opium poppies which the government forces had come to destroy. The sheer size and length of the feast and our own gluttony had saved us from walking straight into an ambush. The battle had taken place on exactly the site of the British last stand of 1842.

The following morning in Jalalabad, we went to a jirga, or assembly, of Ghilzai tribal elders, to which the greybeards of Gandamak had come, under a flag of truce, to discuss what had happened the day before. As Predator drones took off and landed incessantly at the nearby airfield, we chatted over a pot of green tea.

“Last month,” said one tribal elder from Gandamak, “some American officers called us to a hotel in Jalalabad for a meeting. One of them asked me, 'Why do you hate us?’ I replied, 'Because you blow down our doors, enter our houses, pull our women by the hair and kick our children. We cannot accept this. We will fight back, and we will break your teeth, and when your teeth are broken you will leave, just as the British left before you. It is just a matter of time.”’

“What did he say to that?”

“He turned to his friend and said, 'If the old men are like this, what will the younger ones be like?’ In truth, all the Americans here know their game is over. It is just their politicians who deny this.”

“These are the last days of the Americans,” said the other elder. “Next it will be China.”


*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By William Dalrymple - Telegraph UK
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DTN News - PAKISTAN NEWS: Pakistani Taliban Say They Will Not Attack Pak Army

Asia News Report: DTN News - PAKISTAN NEWS: Pakistani Taliban Say They Will Not Attack Pak Army

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources Dawn Pakistan

(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - January 13, 2013: The Pakistani Taliban said on Saturday they would cease their occasional attacks on the Pakistani army in the Taliban stronghold of North Waziristan and concentrate attacks on Nato forces in Afghanistan instead – an announcement possibly designed to head off divisions in the insurgency.

The ceasefire does not apply to the rest of the country, where there are often fierce clashes between the Taliban and security services.

Thousands of Pakistani soldiers are stationed in North Waziristan, a tribal region along the Afghan border.

There have been occasional clashes there between the soldiers and Taliban, but a leaflet issued by Taliban leader Hakimullah Mehsud ordered those to stop. A senior commander confirmed the pamphlet’s veracity.

“O Mujahideen brothers! As you know, the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban under the leadership of Mullah Mohammad Omar Mujahid are engaged in jihad against the crusaders and infidels, and are supporters of each others in the ongoing holy war,” the pamphlet said.

“The enemy does not want to see us united and disciplined against them and are trying to divide us,” it continued.

The Taliban have formed alliances with a number of other militant groups in North Waziristan who are violently opposed to the Pakistani state.

DIVISIONS IN THE INSURGENCY

Some Taliban commanders are divided over whether the Pakistani state or Nato forces are their top target.

Those divisions were laid bare in November by an attempted suicide attack on Mullah Nazir, a top militant commander from the Wazir tribe in South Waziristan. He had signed a peace deal with the Pakistani army but supported attacks on Nato forces in Afghanistan.

The attack was widely believed to be the work of rival Taliban commanders, and the Wazir tribe ordered Hakimullah Mehsud’s tribe out of their lands.

Mullah Nazir was killed in a drone strike this month and it is unclear if his successor will continue his policies, or what relationship the Wazir tribe will have with the Mehsud tribe.

Pakistani army officials have also told Reuters that there are tensions between Mehsud and his deputy. The two men recently appeared together in a video to deny the allegations.

The decision to halt attacks against the Pakistani army in North Waziristan could signal the Pakistani Taliban’s intention to help the Afghan Taliban fight US-led Nato forces in the neighbouring country, or focus more closely on attacking Western targets inside Pakistan.

Or it could be more specifically aimed at unifying local factions. Mehsud’s statement specifically addressed both foreign fighters and local Taliban.


*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources Dawn Pakistan
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DTN News - KARZAI AT PENTAGON: Panetta Hosts Arrival Ceremony, Meets With Afghan President At Pentagon

Asia News Report: DTN News - KARZAI AT PENTAGON: Panetta Hosts Arrival Ceremony, Meets With Afghan President At Pentagon

Source: DTN News 
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - January 12, 2013:  Afghan President Hamid Karzai on Thursday met with U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta at the Pentagon to discuss the security transition in Afghanistan.

At a press conference after the meeting, Panetta said he had an hour-long, one-on-one meeting with Karzai to discuss "the ongoing transition to Afghan security lead, as well as the commitment of the United States to Afghanistan" after the completion of the transition by the end of 2014.

Panetta said both leaders believe the transition plan is " working, and we're fully committed to finishing the job," and they believed they are "moving in the right direction."

At a welcoming ceremony earlier in the day, Panetta assured Karzai of continued U.S. commitment as the last chapter of security transition has begun. According to U.S. President Barack Obama's withdrawal plan, U.S. combat forces will be out of Afghanistan by the end of 2014, after transferring security lead to the Afghans.

Meanwhile, the two countries are negotiating a bilateral security agreement that would define the U.S. role in Afghanistan post-2014. Karzai, who will meet Obama on Friday, said at the Pentagon he believed the United States and Afghanistan can work out the way forward for a bilateral security agreement "that will ensure the interests of Afghanistan, and also the interests of the United States."

*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith - DTN News 
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DTN News - AFGHAN WAR NEWS: U.S. Army 1st Lt. Ryan Schulte On Security Alert In Farah City, Afghanistan

Asia News Report: DTN News - AFGHAN WAR NEWS: U.S. Army 1st Lt. Ryan Schulte On Security Alert In Farah City, Afghanistan

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources U.S. Department Of Defense
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - January 10, 2013: U.S. Army 1st Lt. Ryan Schulte uses his advanced combat optical gunsight to scan for security threats during a key leader engagement in Farah City, Afghanistan, on Jan. 3, 2013. 

Schulte is the security force platoon leader for Provincial Reconstruction Team Farah. The team’s mission is to train, advise and assist Afghan government leaders at the municipal, district and provincial levels in Farah province of Afghanistan.   

DoD photo by Chief Petty Officer Josh Ives, U.S. Navy. (Released)

*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources U.S. Department Of Defense
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DTN News - AFGHAN WAR NEWS: U.S. Army Gun In The Deh Rawud District of Afghanistan

Asia News Report: DTN News - DEFENSE NEWS: DTN News - AFGHAN WAR NEWS: U.S. Army Gun In The Deh Rawud District of Afghanistan 

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources U.S. Department Of Defense
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - January 10, 2013: A U.S. Army gun crew uses a M777 A2 howitzer to fire illumination rounds from Forward Operating Base Hadrian in the Deh Rawud district of Afghanistan on Jan. 8, 2013. 

The crew from 1st Section Bravo Battery 1-9 Field Artillery of Fort Stewart, Ga., has been conducting intensive training and fire missions to support operations in Uruzgan province.   

DoD photo by Capt. Jesse Platz, U.S. Army. (Released)

*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources U.S. Department Of Defense
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DTN News - PAKISTAN NEWS: Senior Pakistan Militant Reported Dead In Strike

Asia News Report: DTN News - PAKISTAN NEWS: Senior Pakistan Militant Reported Dead In Strike

Source: DTN News - - This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Tom Wright - WSJ
(NSI News Source Info) TORONTO, Canada - January 3, 2013: A U.S. drone strike killed Mullah Nazir, a Pakistani militant leader who maintained a truce with the Pakistan army but U.S. commanders said cooperated with Afghan Taliban fighters in attacks on U.S. troops, according to news reports.

Mr. Nazir was one of nine people killed in the strike on a house in a village in the Pakistani territory of South Waziristan, the Associated Press reported, citing Pakistani security officials. Another strike hit a vehicle in North Waziristan, killing four people, the AP said.

In Washington, U.S. officials stopped short of confirming Mr. Nazir's death, but said his elimination would be a "significant blow."

"It would be helpful not just to the United States, but also to our Pakistani partners and the Afghans," said George Little, the Pentagon press secretary. "This is someone who has a greatdeal of blood on his hands.…This would be a major development."


Mr. Nazir's militant organization controls areas of South Waziristan that border Afghanistan. He used that position to team up with Afghan Taliban fighters battling coalition troops across the border, U.S. commanders said.

Mr. Nazir refrained from attacking Pakistani troops under a truce that held for the past four years, said Imtiaz Gul, author of "Pakistan Before and After Osama."

That allowed Pakistan's army to concentrate on targeting the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, known as the Pakistan Taliban, a militant group that regularly attacked government, military and civilian targets. In 2009, the army invaded South Waziristan and largely pushed out the group, also many of whose fighters found shelter in North Waziristan and other tribal regions.

Pakistan's truce with Mr. Nazir, who led the Ahmadzai Wazir tribe, was an attempt by the government to show progress in bringing South Waziristan back under the writ of the state after years of lawlessness, Mr. Gul said.

In recent months, the military has allowed hundreds of refugees from the fighting in 2009 to return to South Waziristan and has been showcasing new schools, roads and other infrastructure.

But Mr. Nazir also continued to allow foreign militants to take shelter in his territory, undercutting any chance for long-term stability in the region, Mr. Gul said. Those militants, he said, likely included Arab members of al Qaeda who are believed to have taken part in attacks on Pakistani targets.

"It was a double game he was playing," Mr. Gul said. "I don't think the Pakistanis would be annoyed" by his killing.

Pakistan's military has publicly condemned U.S. drone strikes. But Pakistan military leaders also have acknowledged cooperating on some attacks by giving intelligence on potential targets.

—Julian E. Barnes contributed to this article.
Corrections & Amplifications 
Imtiaz Gul is author of the book "Pakistan Before and After Osama." An earlier version of this article incorrectly gave the title as "Pakistan Before and After Obama."


*Link for This article compiled by Roger Smith from reliable sources By Tom Wright - WSJ
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